Kommunistisk valgsejr giver de frigivne slaver nyt håb

13. jun. 2008 08:34 *
DR´s hjemmeside som tidligere har beskrevet Nepals Kommunistiske Parti (maoisterne) - NKP(m) som de “brutale maoister” kommer nu med et andet billede som videregives idag: Kamaiyaerne er den laveste kaste i Nepal og levede i generationer i et gældsfængsel: Deres forfædre havde stiftet en gæld, de ikke kunne betale tilbage - andet end i form af arbejde, arbejde og mere arbejde.
Talrige internationale kampagner den nepalesiske regering til at ophæve slaveriet. I dag otte år efter henslæber mange af de frigivne slaver stadig en tilværelse i yderste armod.

Købte en slavefamilie

Formanden for Dansk Komite mod Slaveri, Inge Sagild var i Nepal i slutningen af 1980erne og fik et chock, da det gik op for hende, at der stadig fandtes slaver i Nepal:
- Deres familie havde for generationer siden lånt, hvad der svarede til 300 kroner og havde siden slavet for en herremand.
Inge Sagild købte familien fri og gav dem midler til at starte på en frisk. Senere købte hun flere andre slaver fri og rejste hjem og grundlagde foreningen Dansk Komite mod Slaveri.

Løfterne holdt ikke

Inge Sagild var ikke ene om at brænde for sagen. Verden over rejste græsrodsorganisationer en storm af protest mod det gamle system, og i 2000 lykkedes det efter massivt internationalt pres: Nepals regering gjorde det strafbart at holde slaver.
Mellemfolkeligt Samvirke er en af de organisationer, der har holdt kontakten vedlige. Informationsmedarbejder Anne Mette Nordfalk fortæller fra hovedstaden Kathmandu:
- Mange af familierne har stadig ikke fået den jord, de penge og brædder til at bygge huse for, som regeringen lovede dem.
På bar bund
De tidligere slaver stod i bogstaveligste forstand på bar bund, da de blev frigivet - de havde ingen penge, intet job og ingen bolig - alt det havde godsejerne stået for.
Det kneb for regeringen med at få opfyldt løfterne, og det gør det den dag i dag otte år efter:
- Den skulle jo tage jord fra indflydelsesrige mennesker og var bekymret for at miste deres støtte, siger Anne Mette Nordfald.

Maoisterne er håbet

De kommunistisk inspirerede oprørere i NKP(Mm) var med til at gennemtvinge gældsslaveriets ophør. De revolutionære kommunister kom vandt i april valget til den grundlovgivende forsamling og leder nu Nepals regering og er stærkt repræsenteret i Nepals grundlovsgivende forsamling.
Til DR fortæller informationsmedarbejder Anne Mette Nordfalk: at det “maoisterne” er de frigivne slavers håb om et bedre liv,

- Rigtig mange af dem har stemt på maoisterne, fordi de har lovet jordreformer og rent faktisk har taget land fra storbønder og givet til fattige.

Det er naturligvis “et frygteligt brud” på den “hellige” ejendomret som de revolutionære kommunister begår når de “med vold tager land fra de rige godsejere” og “giver til de fattige kasteløse” . Derfor har der også været
“internationale” mod denne “brutalitet”, som flertallet af Nepals folk finder demokratisk

Udbredt i hele regionen

Maria Løkke Rasmussen er projektleder på Institut for Menneskerettigheder og skrev speciale om gældsslaverne i 1999. Hun følger stadig den politiske udvikling i Nepal og håber, udviklingen kan have en positiv afsmittende effekt i regionen:
“- Slaveri er meget udbredt i Asien. Det hænger sammen med kastesystemet, som siger, at folk er født ulige. Det betyder, at der ikke har været incitament til at lave det om, for folk var jo selv skyld i, at de var født som slave.
Maoisterne skal have ros for deres kamp mod kastesystemets indbyggede uligheder, men alene kan de ikke afskaffe slaveriet:
- Trafficking af kvinder og børn eller arbejdsforhold, hvor den ene bliver snydt til at trælle for en anden, er stadig meget udbredt. Det er et spørgsmål om den globale økonomi.

Børnene slaver videre

Inge Sagild fra Dansk Komite mod Slaveri vendte i vinter tilbage til Nepal, og da rejste hårene sig igen på hende:
“- I avisen står der, at nu er det tid at få sig en slaveunge. Rige folk kommer rejsende fra Kathmandu til de tidligere slaveområder og lejer et barn for ingen penge til husarbejde. Familierne er tvunget af økonomisk nød til at lade deres børn trælle videre.”
Selv om hun er blevet 80 år ligger de frigivne slaver stadig Inge Sagild på sinde, og hun er i gang med at samle ind for at kunne sikre børnene basale skolekundskaber og et sted at være, hvis ikke deres familier har råd til at forsørge dem.

Nepal :Kongeriget på museum og den demokratiske republik udråbt

2 juni 2008 - 10:12 *
Nepals formelt afsatte konge Gyanendra er gået med til at forlade kongefamiliens nedarvede palads og afsige sine kongemagts-beføjelser.Det meddelte Nepals indenrigsminister i dag. Dermed går et 239 år gammelt kongerige i graven og verdens yngste republik er født. Der tog dog en en del tid - efter den kommunistiske valgsejr i april - for kongen og hans støtter i Nepals kontrarevolutionære overklasse at fatte at kravet om hans nedstigning fra tronen som landets overhoved er alvor.
Tusinder gik på gaden i hovedstaden til støtte for “republikkens dag”

Den nyvalgte folkeforsamling - der domineres af repræsentanter fra det revolutionære kommunistparti NKP(m) - gav kongen en tidsfrist til at forlade paladset til den 12 juni.
Og NKP(m) gjorde det klart for kongen at der venter ham en “hård straf” hvis han ikke opgiver tronen, samtidigt som Nepals kongetro militær - som i et årti forsøgte at nedkæmpe den revolutionære oprørsbevægelse med militær vold helt frem til våbenhvilen sidste år - i sidste uge opgav forsvaret af kongen idet generalerne sagde at

Hæren respekterer “folkets beslutning”
” - Hvad vi mener spiller ingen rolle, det er hvad landet mener som tæller,” sagde en hærtalsmand.

Gyanendra bliver dog ikke hjemløs. Han flytter ind i hans “privat residens” i hovedstadens nordlige forstæder, hvor han boede inden han blev konge efter et blodigt royalt familie-drama i konge-paladset i 2001 hvor flere medlemmer af kongefamilien mistede livet.
Som et symbol på at Nepal nu er verdens yngste republik, blev Kongerigets flag halet ned fra hovedstaden Katmandus største palads. Samtidigt blev den nye nepalesiske nationsflag hejset på kongepaladset som nu ska blive nationalmuseum.
-
Glade nepalesere øver sig i “stormen på kongepadset” med det nye republikanske banner i hænderne

Stemningen i Katmandu har været oplivet og gaderne fyldes af tusinder af mennesker som vil fejre dagen og over 10.000 maoistiske aktivister, som nu er medlemmer av nationalforsamlingens største parti, marcherede gennem hovedstaden med røde flag med hammer og sejl , mens de råbte slagord mod monarkiet. Stemningen i den kongetro overklasse i Kathmandu derimod - har været trykket i dagene op til den historiske afgørelse, og spændinger er taget til efter at der blev begået flere mindre bombeaattentater i sidste uge. Politiet siger, at det mistænker “royalistiske” grupper for at stå bag angrebene. For den reaktionære overklasse er Kongen og hele kaste-systemet en legemeligørelse og inkarnationen af den hinduistiske guden Vishnu. * Og faldet for Kong Gyanendra er dramatisk: for bare to år siden havde han diktatorisk magt. Indtil da blev han opvartet af tusind tjenere i det rosa pagodelignende palads.

- -
Det nepalesiske monarki blev formelt afskaffet i sidste uge af Nepals nyvalgte grundlovsgivende forsamling. En talsmand for parlamentet sagde, at 560 af parlamentets 601 medlemmer stemte for afskaffelsen af monarkiet ved afstemningen onsdag aften.

Den Grundlovgivende forsamling jubler efter vedtagelse af den demokratiske republiks indførelse.
Efter at det 239-årige kongedømme blev erklæret opløst og den demokratiske republik udråbt skal den nye forsamlingen skrive en en ny grundlov for landet.
575 af forsamlingens medlemmer blev taget i ed tirsdag. 26 medlemmar skal vælges i den nærmeste fremtid.

Nepal: Bagrund: Kommunistisk valgsejr i april

Nepal: Revolution i det 21.århundrede *II* Fra væbnet kamp til parlamentsvalg *

DOKUMENT

REVOLUTION i NEPAL 

- C.P. Gajurel - leder af det internationale udvalg i Communist Party of Nepal (maoist) deltog den 15.november 2007 i et møde på Goldsmith College, University of London. - - Denne artikel er et resume af mødet

“In Nepal, we developed the People’s War from 1996 to 2005.
We went from strategic defensive to strategic offensive. Back in 1996, we had neither army nor weapons, but we launched a people’s war.

Today, our People’s Liberation Army is confined to seven camps or cantonments and 14 satellite camps. The UN has registered 31,000 fighters in our army. Yet when we started we had no army at all. We were our own army.

Nobody had military training or weapons. There was one old rifle that did not fire which we used for training. We called it our full-time rifle as it was passed from one area to the next for full-time use. We now have very sophisticated weapons which are locked up in the cantonments.

We also have a YCL militia of almost 400,000 people. They arrest corrupt people, expose scandals and punish criminals who otherwise would enjoy impunity. They give terror to the reactionaries, but are friendly to the masses.

In 1996, we had a strong organisation in only 20 of the 75 districts of Nepal. We had smaller organisations in another 50 departments. But now we are strong all over the country. We have liberated 80 percent of the population and we were running a parallel government.

Actually, we ran the country. The enemy was confined to big cities and we governed the rest. The People’s War followed the theory of Mao Zedong, going from strategic equilibrium to strategic offensive. The concluding stage of this offensive was the capture of Kathmandu and the major towns, as well as some district headquarters.

We captured the main gate to Kathmandu without suffering any loss. This led the enemy to agree to a peace process. Comrades have asked us why we agreed to participate in a peace process. The reason is that we were not strong enough to capture Kathmandu or to destroy the Royal Nepalese Army.

This army spent most of its time confined to barracks but would occasionally come out and encircle a village, kill all its inhabitants and then claim they had killed Maoists, when in fact they had only killed ordinary people. The Royal Nepalese Army could not defeat us, but we could not capture their barracks either, because they had been fortified by US military experts and were surrounded with land mines. The RNA also had very modern weapons, including helicopters supplied by India. The position was stagnant, and we were looking for a breakthrough.

The political situation was that we had the support of the urban population, but not enough to be able to call for a general insurrection. The masses were politically divided. Because of this, we decided that in order to increase our mass support it was necessary to take other initiatives. A war cannot carry on indefinitely in a static situation. It was essential to find a way forward.

Some people think that waging a people’s war always means confrontation between two armies, but that is simplistic. We must confront the enemy on all fronts – cultural, economic, political, etc.

In 2001 and 2003, we entered into negotiations but we were ignored so we returned to the war. But in 2005 the situation was different. The political situation (which had been created by the 10 years of people’s war) was that there were seven political parties working with the king to smash the People’s War.

It was necessary to split the enemy camp because they were united. We called the various parties to join an alliance to overthrow the monarchy, but in 2001 and 2003 they turned us down. Then Gyanendra staged a coup d’état and arrested the leaders of these parties and put them behind bars and their political parties were declared banned. We give our heartfelt thanks to King Gyanendra for that. We again offered an alliance to the seven parties – and this time the situation compelled them to join with us. Hence the alliance that was forged.

It was a concrete demand of the alliance that it should fight the monarchy, for a republic. This was a common point of agreement. A road map was drawn up and signed by the seven parties, according to which an interim constitution and government were set up and a constituent assembly election was to be held. We agreed to this.

Of course, US imperialism was dead against it. US policy demanded that the seven parties maintain their alliance with the king to smash the People’s War. But the situation on the ground forced the seven parties to ignore US preferences and to ally with us.

Under the agreement, we Maoists were entitled to participate in parliament. The US said that it would suspend aid if the Maoists participated. But we did participate. And the US could do nothing about it and did not cut its aid. The US then said that there should be no Maoists in the government; otherwise it threatened sanctions. Again, we did participate in government, and the US did not impose sanctions.

In India, there was pressure on the government not to supply arms to Nepal, and India did in fact suspend agreed arms shipments. In the meantime, the king thought all reactionaries would support him, but this did not happen. The king went to China and bought arms there. This upset India. Nepal is not allowed to purchase arms without India’s consent. We really thank Gyanendra for that also, since this made India help the negotiation process.

India allowed a meeting to take place on its territory between ourselves on the one hand and the seven parties on the other – a meeting that would have been impossible to organise in Nepal. This was quite a change, because previously India had imprisoned Nepalese Maoists found in its territory, and that included me. Some comrades were handed over to the Royal Nepalese Army, and we were treated as a terrorist organisation. But the situation changed completely once we were in talks with the seven parties for the purpose of an alliance.

These talks gave rise to a 12-point and an 8-point agreement, a common programme for our various parties.

Following this agreement, there were 19 days of mass protest against the monarchy in Nepal. Over 1.5 million people participated – in a city whose population is under 2 million! The king used force against this peaceful mass movement. He sent in tanks. People lay in the road challenging them. The people were strong because they knew that the People’s Liberation Army was nearby. There is an argument that the mass movement is always decisive, but it should not be forgotten that without the People’s War, the new situation, the alliance and the mass mobilisation would never have been possible.

Some people say that it is wrong to participate with reactionaries in government. In China, Mao proposed that a coalition government be formed with Chiang Kai Shek reactionaries. Although Mao then participated in 34 days’ negotiations to that end, the coalition government did not materialise in practice. In Nepal a similar proposal materialised. We did join a coalition government, but we have now walked out of it.

We think it was right to have participated. There are two reasons for this. We knew that the government would not resolve the problems of Nepal, dominated as it was and is by reactionaries.

But our first reason for participating was to develop international relations. Previously, we had been totally isolated as a ‘terrorist organisation’ and most of our leaders were being sought by Interpol.

The second reason is that we Maoists are not strong as compared to the reactionaries so we need allies if we are to capture power and then hang on to it. We need to use the contradictions between the reactionary forces so that they do not join forces against our revolution. Unity of Maoist forces is necessary, but we should also get support from non-Maoist anti-monarchists in Nepal seeking prosperity and liberty. We should strive to gain the support of others who are fighting imperialism, even social-democratic forces, if at least they support the fight against the monarchy.

It is also useful to have the support of China and India, which today have better mutual relations than they had in the past, although contradictions remain. Being in government, we were able to use those contradictions. India, for example, created chaos in Terai. We turned to China, which made a statement saying it would not tolerate outside intervention in Nepal, so the Indians backed off.

Quite recently a delegation visited Nepal from China, led by Professor Wan, the architect of Chinese foreign policy. He said that the US and India were intervening in different ways in Nepal, and that if this interference exceeded certain limits, China would not tolerate this. This position was not taken spontaneously by the Chinese but because we had been talking to them about this question, and asking why they did not support us overtly.

It is difficult for us, just as it was for the Russians in 1917. They at least had the support of a very strong working-class movement in Europe, especially in Germany. The tsar was engaged in an unpopular war. Lenin put forward the slogan of peace and bread, and this caught the popular imagination.

Dividing the enemy

You must use contradictions among the reactionaries. It is the aim of political tactics to create splits in the enemy ranks and to unite the revolutionary forces. We succeeded in this. We split the monarchy from the political parties. Now the monarchy in Nepal is almost gone.

Our present task is to isolate the Nepali Congress Party, and we are splitting it from the UML [Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist)]. We put forward two proposals in parliament: (1) that it should declare a republic, and (2) that future elections should be fully proportional. On these two issues, we split the Congress from the UML. Claiming to be a communist party, the latter cannot openly support the monarchy, and it was therefore afraid of voting for the monarchy, although it didn’t want to offend the Congress. On proportional elections, the UML also had to compromise, because otherwise the choice was between our proposal and their political exposure.

UML had to vote with us, and with the support of UML our proposals have been passed by a majority. This issue will now isolate the Nepali Congress.

An amendment of the Constitution requires a two-thirds majority. To ask the government to put forward a proposal in parliament, it is sufficient to have an ordinary majority. So we are trying to compel Congress to put forward the question for discussion. But the Congressites are in a dilemma. If they put this proposal forward for discussion, this is a problem for them because they voted against it. If they do not put it forward, they will be defying the majority and we can ask them to resign.

We are not worried about when the Nepali elections will be held. We will use the election as long as we can. Five years ago, the demand for a constituent assembly was our tactic alone, but now everybody has accepted it. The other parties used to refuse to discuss the issue with us on the grounds that Nepal had the ‘best constitution in the world’! But now they have accepted our demand and our current tactics are to use the elections to create splits in the enemy camp and build up the mass movement.

We will not give our arms to the enemy. We know the Nepali Congress will never accept our two proposals because it would be seen as a victory for Maoists. They are afraid of the elections because they know they will lose out to the Maoists. For reactionaries, elections are decisive and they cannot accept losing them. This is good because it will expose them in the eyes of the masses.

Our parliamentary majority will stand us in good stead. Our aim is to seize power – that’s the aim of the mass movement.

Victory for the Nepalese revolution would be a boost for the revolutionary movement everywhere, which is why US imperialism is trying to stop it. There is no great wealth to be looted by imperialism from Nepal, but politically it is very important for the US to defeat revolution, as it sets an example imperialism does not want followed, such as the revolutionary movements today building up in various parts of the world, including India.

Our fight against the US has to be carried out internationally. We want an alliance with all anti-imperialist forces, including those of Europe.

In reply to questions

There followed a question and answer session, during which CP Gajurel answered many questions. In particular, he made it clear that the reason the two armies are confined to barracks and cantonments is so that the military does not influence the outcome of the election in any way.

He went on to say that, contrary to agreement of equal treatment, the People’s Liberation Army was not paid for six months. The reactionaries hoped this would cause the PLA to disintegrate, since it lacked food. But its ranks did not desert, in spite of all the hardship. The government last week finally coughed up three months’ salary because the PLA threatened to leave the cantonments unless the troops were paid so that they could go to the masses who would maintain them.”

Læst i avisen “Proletarian” - udgivet af Communist Party of Great Britain (Marxist-Leninist) December, 2007

* * * * * *

Nepal: Revolution i det 21.århundrede * I *

19.apr. 2008 * -

På et møde i en fuldpakket mødesal i London’s Conway Hall, gav C. P. Gajurel - international SEkretær for Communist Party of Nepal (maoist) en fordybende og detaljeret analyse af situationen i Nepal ud fra CPN(m)`s revolutionære strategi.

Mødet var organised af the British South Asian Solidarity Forum, som organiser education and discussion on the struggles of the working people of South Asia.

Gajurel’s talk was given against a background of growing instability in Nepal since the accession of an interim assembly and government including the CPN(m), increasing mass pressure to declare a republic, and growing evidence of foreign interference. An account of his talk is given below.

“There is no socialist country providing support for revolutionary movements in the world today. There is an absence of a socialist camp in the world.

“In Russia in 1917 a very strong working class existed (and in Europe as well) and the First World War exacerbated the crisis in Russia. Nepal lacks a strong working class and there is no war situation.

“In the 1990s imperialism declared Marxism, and communist revolutions, over, and a relic of the 20th century, and claimed that only capitalism, not socialism could be sustained.

“We are trying to have a revolution in the 21st Century. In Nepal we were fighting against a monarchy and a feudal system, but actually the monarchy has already been abolished.

“Actually we are fighting US imperialism. The fight against the monarchy is almost finished. The king is no longer the head of state or the army and has no mass support, but he is backed by a reactionary class and by foreign reaction.”

“There is a need for solidarity with the ongoing revolution in Nepal and in the fight against imperialism. We aware of the weakness of the trade union and working class movement in the west, but we are seeking support from communists, maoists, progressive and democratic forces, and liberal governments.”

“Even if we achieve the Nepalese revolution, imperialism will not allow it to be sustained. In all respects your support is necessary.”

“During the people’s war of the last ten or eleven years the army was effectively defeated and confined to their barracks, even though it was three times bigger than the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).

“The people’s war had entered the stage of going over to the strategic offensive. It was at this point that negotiations began with the CPN(m) and other political parties for a settlement.

“Eighty per cent of Nepal and most of the countryside was liberated and our own government set up, which collected taxes and provided security, and we were trying to capture Kathmandu.

“We were at the gates of Kathmandu and 2,000 of the Nepal Army had been eliminated, and at that time negotiations began. The peace process began when the CPN(m) was in a victorious position. In Lenin’s words, ‘What you have won on the field of war will be legalised at the negotiating table.’

“But the CPN(m) was not strong enough to seize power at the centre or a direct confrontation with the army. Success requires a general insurrection of the masses. Several efforts were made but they were not enough to win the war. Our strength was not enough.”

“During the war the enemies of the CPN(m) – the king and the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) – united against the revolution and colluded with the king. The CPN(m) was declared a terrorist organisation and bounties were put on its leaders “alive or dead”.

“Therefore it was necessary to divide this class. The CPN(m) adopted a strategy of dividing the opposing camp and unifying its own forces. We should thank King Gyanendra for arresting the leaders of the other parties and banning all parties and all political activities, driving them to the side of the Maoists.

“The eight point agreement between the CPN(m) and the SPA clearly mentions the organisation of a mass movement against the monarchy and for a republic.

“The successful joint movement arose against the background of the people’s war and could not have been possible without it. The Nepal Army could not use force against the mass movement because of the existence of the PLA.

“After the surrender of the king the SPA made a secret deal with the king: they would call off the mass movement and the king would call on them to form a government. But the road map agreed with the CPN(m) called for an interim assembly and government to prepare an election for a new constituent assembly.

“The US was opposed to this process as it contradicted the interests of US imperialism. When it was agreed that the CPN(m) would enter the interim parliament with 82 members, the US threatened to stop all assistance to Nepal.

“When the CPN(m) entered the interim government the US threatened to ask its allies to impose economic sanctions on Nepal. But the United States’ policy met with total failure.”

“Elections (to the constituent assembly) were scheduled for 15 June (2007), but all the parties attempted to use the elections to their advantage and against the continuation of revolutionary momentum and the CPN(m) achieving a majority.

“So there was a conspiracy to sabotage the elections. The Election Commission decided it was unable to hold elections on that day due to inadequate laws and preparation, and the election was postponed, first for seven days and then for six months.”

“Meanwhile arms and money have flowed into the Terai* to promote ethnic violence.

[* The Terai region runs along the Indian border through the densely populated plains of southern Nepal.]

“The US prepared two ambushes against the CPN(m), using all the knowledge and experience of its successes and previous defeats of communist movements.

“The first choice was for the CPN(m) to lose the elections, and if it didn’t accept this, they, and any mass movement supporting them, would be declared as ‘terrorists’.

“The second strategy was that if the CPN(m) won the elections, the US had prepared contras – the Terais – and would claim that the elections were rigged by the CPN(m) and that these forces were fighting for ‘democracy’.

“The CPN(m) saw these two traps ahead to be trapped and killed, but the CPN(m) was also working out how to win the revolution.”

“An expanded CPN(m) central committee meeting was held in August representing 75 districts and the PLA leadership and a total of 2,174 delegates. The meeting unanimously adopted a declaration opting for a mass movement, and recognised serious mistakes on two issues.

“The first was that a republic should be declared from the assembly – it should have been declared before the elections.

“The second issue was the CPN(m)’s decision to demand elections based on proportional representation.

“Thus the CPN(m) made a clear demand for a republic backed by a mass movement and decided to withdraw from the government and to refuse to participate in elections or to allow elections.”

“The Nepali Congress, the main party in the SPA, opposed these demands. After the mobilisation of a mass movement in the countryside the SPA retreated for two days for talks, then for five days.

“Then the CPN(m) proposed a motion declaring a republic. The CPN(m) said negotiations were no longer relevant and the motion should go to a vote.

“The UML**, which was previously part of the government was placed in a very difficult position. Supporting the motion would mean the motion would succeed, while opposing it would expose them as supporters of the king. The UML finally supported the motion along with the other left parties.”

[** The UML (Communist Party of Nepal/United Marxist-Leninist, CPN/UML) is regarded as a ‘reform-oriented "communist party" and is a member of the Seven Party Alliance.]

“Thus the motion was approved by the interim assembly. But under the agreement with the SPA, the declaration of the republic could only be made by a newly elected government.

“The CPN(m) is now demanding that the government put the proposal to declare a republic to parliament, but the Nepali Congress is in crisis and is unable to do so. If not, the CPN(m) would enjoy the most support in parliament, and the Nepali Congress would have to leave the government.

“The CPN(m) is now demanding that the government itself puts the republic proposal to the assembly. But the Nepali Congress is in crisis and is unable to do this.

“If they don’t it means the CPN(m) has majority support in the assembly, and the Nepali Congress should leave the government. The CPN(m) is now saying they will oust the Nepali Congress from the government via a mass movement, and a new government should be formed.

“This would make the US very angry as it opposes any CPN(m) participation in the government. The CPN(m) knows that if it becomes the head of the government the US will not tolerate this. Thus the CPN(m) cannot fulfil the people’s aspirations, so it has asked the UML to take power.

“Now the target is not the king; the target is now the Nepali Congress. Thus we are following the tactics of Mao: it is necessary to attack the enemy one by one, both in the military struggle and in the political struggle.

“The monarchy is abolished, but feudalism and the feudal class still exists, and it is necessary to fight the parties representing the feudal class, which includes the Nepali Congress.

“The UML consistently compromises with this feudal class. Both the Nepali Congress and the UML follow the US masters and the interests of imperialism and India. Now the CPN(m) is able to split the Nepali Congress and the UML through mass struggle, and now the two parties are fighting each other.

“In the present situation the needs of the people cannot be implemented without a revolutionary constitution and government. Now the CPN(m) is building up a mass movement.

“The definition of bourgeois democracy is the rule of the majority. US imperialism and Indian expansionism are opposed to this strategy and would not tolerate a revolutionary government. So the next stage will definitely be very difficult.

“The US is not interested in Nepal’s resources or in economic control, but is afraid of the world-wide impact of the revolution in Nepal.

“People are looking to the Nepali revolution, which supposedly cannot be successful without the support of a socialist camp, and cannot be successful in this world today because it would set a precedent for revolution for the oppressed, exploited and struggling people of the world.

“There is also a growing Maoist movement in India and the Indian ruling class is very afraid of the success of the Nepali revolution and is ready to take any action.

“So the situation is heading towards a climax. It is very difficult to predict what will happen in the next weeks or months. It is a life or death struggle we are working out in Nepal, and the situation is very serious, so at this point in time we think international support is very important.

“We are preparing our people for the worst eventuality, including foreign intervention. But ultimately the masses will decide everything.

“Previously the Nepali government was supported by the US, Britain, India, and China, but now the situation has changed. Britain is now supporting the peace process. We think this is a divergence between British and US policy.

“The CPN(m) has established relations with China, and the People’s Republic of China embassy in Kathmandu has issued a statement saying that China would not tolerate any interference in Nepal, including by India, after rigorous discussions between a representative of the CP China international department, Professor Wang, who met the CPN(m) leadership and visited the PLA’s camps.

“In an interview Wang said that if the US or India attempted to intervene in various ways in Nepal, if a limit was exceeded China would not tolerate this.

“We are confident that we will eventually see the success of the revolution in Nepal, the first successful people’s revolution of the 21st century.

“The CPN(m) will seek to develop relations with countries, for example in Latin America, who are resisting US imperialism, and wished to become a part of the anti-imperialist forces.

“If it comes to power the CPN(m) will end the agreement for the its citizens to serve in the British Army. The CPN(m) would not allow any Nepali citizens to be used as mercenaries.

“On the basis of national rights, the CPN(m) is in favour of establishing 11 regions in Nepal as part of a strong united Nepal in which the national minorities have been liberated.

“Nepal is the world’s richest country in hydro-electric resources – ‘white gold’ – and with the gifts of nature could develop tourism into a major industry. Nepal is rich in unique herbal and medicinal plants and is produces sufficient grain to export to India.

“Nepal can also export workers to rich countries where the population is no longer growing. We believe that in a few years we can create a wealthy society.

“Nepal was never a colony – it was never a British colony or under the rule of a foreign power.

“It is not possible to copy revolutionary processes. There is a theory that developed countries should follow the example of the Russian revolution, while developing countries should follow the example of the Chinese revolution. But the CPN(m) believes that every revolutionary process must be unique.

“Hinduism and casteism are very widespread in Nepal, but there are many different castes joining the revolution, and caste barriers are breaking down in the course of the struggle. Now inter-caste marriages are becoming accepted.

“At present it is not appropriate to hold protests at the Nepali embassy, but if the parties don’t follow the agreements they have made and try to suppress the mass movement, then all forms of support would be needed along with pressure on the British government to take a favourable position.”

(Nb: The meeting took place on 14 November 07 at the Conway Hall).

Flere artikler:

Kommunistisk valg-sejr i Nepal: En sejr for alle demokratiske kræfter og et nederlag for det-reaktionære kongerige

Nepal:regimet viser sin blodige karakter: otte mennesker dræbte i sammenstød med politi-styrker

Kommunistisk valg-sejr i Nepal : En sejr for alle demokratiske kræfter OG et nederlag for det reaktionære Kongerige

16.april 2008 - 09:20 *

 DEN REVOLUTIONÆR KAMP FØRER til INDRØMMELSER OG REFORMER

er det blevet sagt . Det ser vi nu bekræftet endnu engang - ligesom læren om den historiske materialismes og klassekampen som den afgørende drivkraft i historien slår igennem i Nepal i disse år.
Der findes mange som troede på de borgerlige og socialdemokratiske medier og politikere i Skandinavien såvel som i Rusland da de postod at at det var kommunismen der blev begravet med Sovjetunionens opløsning. Men liget som blev begravet i 1991 var ikke kommunistisk. Det lig som Boris Jeltzin bragte i graven var et statskapitalistisk fallitbo - hvor han selv havde gjort karrierre i.
I skrivende stund er Nepals Kommunistiske Parti (maoisterne) på vej mod en sensationel valgsejr.
Ikke siden det kommunistiske Albaniens Arbejdets Parti - PPSH den 31. marts 1991 mobiliserede og vandt to tredjedele af stemmerne i det internationalt overvågede valg med en stemmeprocvent på 96 % - har et kommunistisk parti vundet en så overbevisende valgsejr.
Efter ti års væbnet kamp indgik de revolutionære kæmpere i N.K.P.(m) en fredsaftale i 2006, - satte folkehæren under international overvågning og indgik en alliance med de parlamentariske partier som byggede på valg og republik.

Den kommunistiske valgsejr er en sejr for alle ægte demokratiske kræfter og et nederlag for det Indien og USA-støttede Kongerige:

 Valgsejren og de indrømmelser og demokratiske reformer som nu er i gang er samtidigt en bekræftelse på den kommunistiske tese om at den revolutionære kamp giver indrømmelser og reformer. Det gælder i Nepal såvel som i Skandinavien og Europa - hvor den sovjetiske revolution’s eksempel fra 1917-56 aktivt indvirkede både som eksempel og inspiration, men samtidigt som en trussel mod de kapitalistiske magthavere - derfor “fik” vi velfærds-rettighederne som indrømmelser for at modvirke den revolutionære kommunistiske indflydelse.
Deri ligger måske også svaret på hvordan et revolutionært kommunistisk parti - som i ti år førte an i den væbnede folkekrig pludseligt havnede i en regering? som avisen Proletaren spørger sine læsere i rejse-reportagen fra Nepal :Svaret søgte de udenfor hovedstaden. læs videre her
- - -
Især for kvinderne har det kommunistiske oprør -anført af NKP(m) ført til store fremskridt

Efter ti års guerilakrig mod det reaktionære feudal-monarkistiske udbyttersamfund i Nepal- et af de mest fremgangsrige antifeudale oprør for demokrati som vi kender til i de sidste mange år - må vi bøje hovedet i respekt og minde om de 13.000 der faldt i denne kamp. * * * * * *
Selvom der er underskrevet en våbenhvile og de bevæbnede folkelige guerilla-styrkers våben er under “international kontrol” er bevægelsen ikke blevet pacifistisk. Hvis de kontrarevolutionære kræfter - støttet af udenlandske kræfter i f.eks USA og/eller Indien/Kina skulle få den ide at der nu findes en mulighed for at gå den indonesiske eller chilenske vej - altså at nedkæmpe arbejdernes og de udbyttedes rejsning med militær vold og terror - har NKP(m) gjort det klart at de er i stand til at forsvare sig og genoptage den væbnede kamp i løbet af en time. Længere væk er våbnene ikke.

Nu står Folket mod kongen. Monarkiet mod kravet om republik. Titlen Royal er vasket væk fra flere institutioner.
I stemme-optællingen efter valget till den konstituerende forsamling som skal skrive en ny nepalesisk grundlov leder maoisterne stort. De ser dermed ud til at de få en dominerende stillning blandt forsamlingens 601 medlemmer. -
NKP(m) er allerede nu det ubetinget største parti efter valget i sidste uge og partiets kandidater har vundet flertallet af stemmerne i halvdelen af de 240 valgkredse,dertil kommer at de indtil nu har vundet 30 % af de 335 pladser som fordeles proportionelt ved besættelsen af de 601 pladser den nye grundlovsgivende forsamling.
Det er en klar tillidserklæring til kravet om at kongen må afgå og republikken udråbes, selvom der kræves 2/3 dele flertal for at vedtage en ny republikansk grundlov. Derfor er det 239-årige kongeriges dage talte. -
Hvis Kongrespartiet og revisionisterne i UML som hidttil har holdt det kongelige regime oppe ikke forstår valgets klare signal fra folket om at skrive en republikansk grundlov vil de fortsatte deres nedtur.
Partiet har sagt att det første de tænker på at gøre er at afsætte kong Gyanendra og afskaffe kongemagten og omdanne det kongelige palads til et museum.
Derfor opfordrer NKP(m) nu landets monark til at afgå “værdigt”, men han vægrer som alle feudale monarker tidligere i historien.
Lederen af NKP(m) Pushpa Kamal Dahal - bedre kendt under hans nom-de-guerre: Prachanda - taler under en demonstration.

“- I historien er monarker blevet halshugget eller tvunget til at flygte. Lad det ikke ske i Nepal”, udtalte partiets leder ,Prachanda kort efter valget.
Partiet rejste allerede i begyndelsen af 90′ erne kravet om afskaffelse af monarkiet og de har nu fået “verbal støtte” fra alle Nepals ledende partier.

I december sidste år tog koalitionsregeringen beslutning om at afskaffe monarkiet og udråbe en demokratisk republik – under forudsætning af at den konstituerende forsamling som nu er valgt , godkender beslutningen med enkel majoritet. Det er første gang som det nepalesiske folk får mulighed for at deltage og påvirke grundlovssprocessen.
-
- Nepals statsoverhoved Kong Gyanendra -
Med de aktuelle stemninger i Nepal under valget er det sandsynligt at endnu et monarki går i graven.
Kong Gyanendra kom til magten i 2001 efter at hans bror - som da var konge - blev skudt ihjel sammen med otte andre medlemmer i den kongelige familie.
Gerningmanden var den stofmisbrugende kronprins.
Kong Gyanendra blev meget upopulær da han i år 2005 afsatte Nepals regering og gav sig selv absolut magt. Det var et lignende “kongeligt indgreb” som også fremkaldte den såkaldte “påskekrise” i Danmark - efter oktoberevolutionen - i 1920 ´hvor Kongen greb ind i det politiske liv. - - - - - -

Kommunismen som politisk ide er populær i Nepal og de kommunistiske kræfter er velorganiserede og stærke . Alene i den såkaldte “syvparti-alliance” som regerer landet er fire partier erklæret “kommunistiske”, to er “socialistiske” og bare et konservativt. Fire af de syv største partier i landet er angiveligt “kommunistiske”. Det største parti, Nepali Congress, er dog “demokratisk” - på samme måde som Venstre, Konservative og Socialdemokraterne i DK - og medlem af den “Socialistiske Internationale”.
- -
Kathmandu,Nepal: Jublende tilhængere af NKP(m) danser i hovedstadens gader i weekenden efter at omfanget af den folkelige tillidserklæring partiet har fået stod klart

Selv om valget endnu ikke er færdig-udregnet har de klare “revolutionære kommunistiske” tendenser sendt chockbølger gennem det nepalesiske etablissement ligesom i nabolandet Indien.
Og de kapitalistiske kræfter i Indien og USA griber instinktivt til den primitive “kommunist-forskrækkelse” for at beskrive følgerne af en “kommunistisk valgsejr” - som vi kender det fra Marx , Lenin og Stalins tid.
USA har sat NKP(m) på deres liste over “terror-organisationer” , og i Indien udråbes en maoistisk regering i nabolandet som en farlig opmuntring for den hjemlige guerilla.

Der er dog det specielle med NKP(m) at de en tid havde visse forbindelser med den venstreopportunistiske “Lysende sti” i Peru der ligesom den småborgerlige Blekingegade-gruppe og RAF i Tyskland forsøgte at starte den væbnede befrielseskrig - isoleret fra arbejderklassen - røvede de banker, kidnappede kapitalister og angreb militærets patruljer. I kølvandet på denne “terror”-strategi kunne de reaktionære og fascistiske kræfter flytte sine positioner frem og de demokratiske rettigheder blev indskrænket i f.eks Tyskland.
Blekingegadefolkenes, RAFs og den Lysende Stis “terrorstrategi” var en “venstreopportunistisk” blindgyde som idag afvises af alle seriøse politiske kræfter i Nepal - såvel som i Danmark og Tyskland. Ikke engang de reaktionære monarkistiske kræfter omkring Nepal’s konge snakker om blindgyden “den lysende sti” i deres antikommunistiske propaganda mod partiet.
Det nepalesiske kongress-parti og højreopportunisterne i det reformistiske “Nepals Kommunistiske parti (Forenede Marxist-Leninister)”, forkortet UML har måttet konstatere at deres traditionelle “vælgergrundlag” er smuldret væk. I valget tabte alle - undtagen en af statsminister Koiralas (kongresspartiet) slægtninge - i deres valgkredse. De kongressparti-kandidater som vandt i deres valgkredse var gået til valg på en republikansk dagsorden, mens de som ville bevare monarkiet tabte stort.

”En overraskelse” 

”Givetvis er det en overraskelse”, sagde en vest-diplomat til det franske AFP:s udsendte. ”Vi havde forventet at de [maoisterne] skulle få 10 til 20 procent af stemmerne. Vi har hørt at de var impopulære, men i realiteten viste det sig at være anderledes.”

Det er åbenbart at diplomater og journalister har gået omkring i de “højere cirkler” og bekræftet hinandens og den nepalesiske overklasses hysteriske frygt , deres fordomme og nedladende udtalelser om maoisterne. Det rygradsmæssige klasseinstinkt hos journalisterne fra de kapitalistiske Nato og EU-stater som gjorde at de identifiserede sig med velartikulerede og engelsktalende folk fra den øvre middelklasse og overklasse i fattige landes hovedstæder er ikke ny. Men sjældent har selvudnævnte “eksperter” og “analytikere” undervurderet eller ignoreret klassekampens og et revolutionært kommunistisk partis muligheder som det er sket i Nepal det sidste årti.

Socialt arbejde

Men der findes undtagelser. Det finns også journalister som seriøst arbejder ude i landet og taget notits af maoisternes folkelige støtte og velorganiserede arbejde og kamp. Fra et typisk tilbagestående land-distrikt i det vestlige Nepal rapporterede nyhedsbureauet IANS udsendte om en maoistisk flodbølge i ”de forsvundnes land”. Det kaldes sådan efter at den kongelige hær med støtte fra kongresspartiet forsøgte slå det bondeoprør - som maoisterne anførte - ned med hjælp af mord och ”forsvindinger.” Ved hjælp af dødspatruljer - en berygtet borgerlig fascistisk taktik også i Latinamerika

”I Bardiya To og Fire lå de maoistiske kandidater - befriede slaver fra Tharu–folket som befandt sig aller længst nede på den sociale skale - langt foran kandidaterne fra kongresspartiet NC og “Forenede marxist-leninisterne UML.”

Andre har rapporteret om hvordan maoisterne organiserede renovationen og rengøring og drev det sociale arbejde for almindelige mennesker mens de øvrige partier har kævlet og intrigeret mod hinanden i parlamentet. I de områder som maoisterne tidligere kontrollerede, som et resultat af befrielseskrigen, og hvor de i praksis vist hvad de står for, fik de en overvældende støtte med stemmetal på 70 til 100 procent.
Man kan sige at partiet har vundet stærk støtte blandt de fattige og udstødte masser fordi de som bolsjevikerne har “været som fisken i vandet” - Partiet er blevet “kød og blod” med folket fordi de er gået forrest i kampen mod det hinduistiske kastesamfund og kønsdiskrimineringen, herunder systemet med de store medgifte for piger. Partiet er også blevet populært ved at have organiseret kampen for højere løn gennem fagforeningerne, der har ført til en fordobling af lønnen for de dårligst betalte. * - -

Indien har formelt gratuleret efter valget, men er rystet over de nye realiteter i Nepal. Maoistlederen Prachanda har til hensigt at opsige den ensidige samarbejdstraktat med Indien fra 1950 og omforhandle aftalen om Nepals vandresourser. Indiens rolle i Nepal vil blive formindsket , selvom den kapitalistiske stormagt Indien har store pressionsmuligheder overfor “lille” Nepal.

Prachanda har også slået fast at Nepal ikke skal blive en stødzone for en stat mod en anden. Nepal skal i stedet udgøre en bro for samarbejde mellem Asiens voksende giganter, Kina och Indien.

USA modarbejder

USA fortsætter at stemple maoisterne som en “terrororganisation” og handler med fuld kraft i Nepal for at redde monarkiet samtidigt som man pumper penge ind til de separatistiske tibetanere som har base i Nepal. Nepalesiske monarkister bosiddende i de Forenede Stater forlanger at USA skal gribe ind mod den ”kommunistiske magtovertagelse” og redde kongedømmet.

  Ved landets nordlige grænse mødes Kina og Nepal. Fra de kinesiske ledere plejer Nepal at blive beskrivet som en stødpude mod det “indisk-amerikanske militære trussel”. Gennem mange år har kinesiske politikere vægret at kalde Nepals maoister for “maoister”. I stedet er NKP(b) blevet betegnet som “terrorister” af lederne i Beijing - . - Men den seneste kinesiske Nepal-ambassadør Zheng Xianglin sagde for nylig: - ”Vi lever ikke længere i den kolde krigs dage” . Det ser ud til at man betragter maoisterne som en del af det parlamentariske grundlag. -
”De er en del af den politiske alliancen og denne provisoriske regering er legitim”.
Der er dog ikke oprettet nogle formelle forbindelser . Visse ting er dog uændret : Siden 1962 har Kinas officielle politik været at man ikke tolererer nogen udenlandsk intervention i Nepal. Det gælder ifølge ambassadøren stadig. Desuden er regimet i Beijing trængt af uroen i Tibet og forberedelserne til OL og de kinesiske reaktioner på valget ser ud til at være positive.”Maoisterne” ser Kina som et kapitalistisk land men er ligesom UML, fuldstændigt imod at tibetanske separatister opererer fra Nepal mod Kina. Eventuelt vil Kina tilbyde en bistandspakke og investeringer i Nepal for at modvirke indisk og amerikansk indflydelse.
Valgene bliver godkendt uden bemærkninger fra de internationale observatørers delegation , herunder de Forenede Nationer, den Europæiske Union og Carter-Centeret. Alle disse organisationer roste Nepal’s Valg Kommission — assisteret af FN delegationen i Nepal (UNMIN) — for vel et gennemført valg over hele landet.
proletaren.se

Hovederne ruller hos reformisterne UML

Da det stod klart at “maoisterne” blivit klart større end det socialdemokratiserede Nepals Kommunistiske Parti (Forenede marxist-leninister), forkortet UML, meddelte partiets Formand Madhav K. Nepal sin afgang. Han tabte i begge de valgkrede hvor han opstillede . UML, med seks ministrer i den provisoriske regering, forlader den med umiddelbar virkning, mens kongrespartiet ikke trækker sig fra sine pladser.

Optil valget foreslog maoisterne en fælles valgfront med UML i den del af valget hvor pladserne går til det største parti. Maoisterne tilbød UML en tredjedel af vundne mandater. UML sagde nej. De så det som en forulempning eftersom de i deres egen indbilning var overbeviste om at de skulle blive det største parti.

Højreopportunisterne i UML angreb på maoisterne afslørede deres højreopportunistiske kurs

Noget som irriterede og gjorde mange traditionelle tilhængere af UML var da Madhav Nepal sagde at “Indien, USA og EU ikke ville synes om at maoisterne sejrede”. I realiteten var det et angreb på Nepals nationale uafhængighed og folkets demokratiske rettigheder. Det kender vi ganske vist til i Europa hvor argumenter om at bestemte lovforslag er uaccptable fordi USA og EU ikke accepterer dem - kan høres hverdag. Men i Nepal tages demokratiet nu på alvor: Og mange nationalt sindede nepalesere anså at valget ikke skal afgøres af EU, USA eller Indien men af nepaleserne selv.

Derfor risikerer revisionisterne i UML nu at tabe medlemmer og mellemskadrer til de fremgangsrige maoister.
  Det er en velfortjent straf.
De højreopportunistiske UML-ledere bliver nu stillet overfor valget mellem at samarbejde med maoisterne, men som et underordnet parti, eller søge konfrontation med maoisterne og samarbejde med kongresspartiet og søge støtte fra fremmede magter.

Mange på græsrodsplan vil samarbejde med maoisterne for at drive den republikanske dagsorden igennem. Derfor vil de opportunistiske fraktionsstridigheder indenfor UML blive optrappet i den kommende tid.
UML har gode forbindelser med det indiske regeringsparti CPM som sidste år ikke stod tilbage fra at indsætte væbnede styrker for at nedkæmpe folkelige protester mod deres politik.

KOMMENTAR 

DEN REVOLUTIONÆRE KOMMUNISTISKE VALGSEJR ER EN STOR OPMUNTRING FOR ARBEJDERKLASSEN OG DE UNDERTRYKTE FOLK I HELE VERDEN -
DET BØR OGSÅ VÆRE EN OPMUNTRING FOR ALLE ÆRLIGE REVOLUTIONÆRE KOMMUNISTER SÅVEL SOM PROGRESSIVE MENNESKER I DANMARK og Skandinavien
SELVOM VI IKKE DELER NKP(m) ‘S MAOISTISKE UDGANGSPUNKT BØR DET IKKE GØRE VOR GLÆDE MINDRE. DET ER EN SEJR FOR NEPAL’S FOLK ‘S DEMOKRATISKE BESTRÆBELSER FOR AT OPNÅ VIRKELIG FRIHED - LIGHED - OG DEMOKRATI

VI ER OVERBEVIST OM AT DE REVOLUTIONÆRE KOMMUNISTISKE KRÆFTER I NEPALS FOLK IKKE VIL GENTAGE den småborgerlige maoismes idealistiske FEJLTAGELSER MEN LEVE OP TIL FOLKETS dybe demokratiske forventninger - DET STALIN KALDTE at gribe den nationale og demokratiske fane og føre den videre

Pladserne i valget til den konstituerende forsamling

240 pladser går til de partier som er størst i deres valgkredse. Systemet giver fordele til det største parti - i dette tilfælde maoisterne. Ironisk nok var det kongrespartiet og UML - som troede at de skulle blive de største partier - der op til valget krævede en endnu større del af dette system, men maoisterne ville have at hele Nepal skulle regnes som en valgkreds ifølge et strikt proportionalitetsprincip. At være det største parti indebærer ikke at man behøver have en majoritet af stemmerne for at vinde mandater hvis tre eller flere partier stiller op.

335 platser ville blive fordelt enligt proportionalitetsprincipen hvor hele Nepal regnes som en valgkreds. Det indebærer at en række småpartier kommer in i parlamentet, inklusive flere mindre venstre-orienterede partier som man regner med vil støtte maoisterne.

De tilbagestående 26 pladser vil blive fordelt til forskelige minoritetsgrupper som ikke var blevet repræsenterede geenem de åbne direkte valg .

Sammenlagt har det nye parlament 601 platser.
Valgdeltagelsen var omkring 60 procent af de 17,6 millioner stemmeberettigede dvs godt 10 en halv millioner mennesker deltog i valget - men 7 millioner nåede ikke at blive registrede eller blev væk fra stemmelokalerne - derfor har maoisterne et stort potentiale i de fattige masser som endnu ikke er blevet mobiliseret og inddraget i den demokratiske revolutionering af politiken. Valgdeltagelsen er lav - sammenlignet med Skandinavien - men faktisk højere end i kapitalistiske lande som England, Polen og USA hvor valgdeltagelsen sjældent når op på 60 %

Blandt de fattigste af de fattige; Reuter-reportage

Andre KILDER:

klassekampen.no

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stockholmsfria.nu

BESKYLDNINGER MOD VALGETS DEMOKRATISKE KARAKTER :

Nyhedsbureauet IPS viderebringer flere af de beskyldninger som nu rettes mod maoisterne efter valgsejren. Det sker efter at de har indledt med at konstatere :
KATHMANDU, Apr 14 (IPS) - Proving the political pundits wrong, the people of Nepal have voted overwhelmingly for former rebels, the Communist Party of Nepal- Maoist (CPN-M), in the just concluded constituent assembly elections in this Himalayan nation.
But others disagree, pointing out the violence and disruptions by the Maoist cadre across the country in the run-up to the elections that were widely reported by national and international media.
Various media reports and national election observer missions like the Nepal Election Monitoring Alliance (NEMA) and the Nepal Election Observation Committee (NEOC), who deployed thousands of observers throughout the country, said the Maoists resorted to threats, intimidation, and violence to terrorise voters and political rivals.
- en partirepræsentant benægter dog at partiet har forsøgt at ” skræmme vælgere.” > > “Denne anklage bliver gentaget af partier som er blevet afvist af folket og som finder det svært at acceptere folkets vilje”.
“In rural areas, the Maoists told the people that if they lost, they would resume the people’s war (Maoist insurgency),” said Kamal Thapa, chairman Rastriya Prajatantra Party (Nepal), that openly campaigned for votes on the two main planks — retaining constitutional monarchy and keeping Nepal a Hindu rastra (nation).
skrev Damakant Jayshi for IPS.. - -
USA har skrevet NKP(M) på deres “sorte liste” over såkaldte “terrororganisationer” og anklager partiet for at være “ansvarlig for mord, tortur, sabotage, kidnapninger og bombeangreb” . -
Her må man som kritisk jurnalist spørge om hvem der er forbryder og hvem der er offer.
I denne uge (Første Maj-ugen) vil Udenrigsministeriet i Washington offentligøre en raport for 2007, men dets pressetalsmand Tom Casey kunne på en pressekonference i mandags (21.apr.) ikke sige om det ufordelagtige stempel er fjernet.

FAKTA om udviklingen i Nepal

FOLKETAL: 29,5 millioner * AREAL:147.000 km2 > 3 gange Danmark * * HØJESTE BJERG: Sagarmatha - verdens højeste: 8850 meter over havet; kaldes Mount Everest i udlandet * I 1996 indledte guerillastyrker fra NKP(m) et væpnet oprør for at styrte monarkiet. * Kong Gyanendra overtog tronen i 2001. * Kongen opløste i 2002 nasjonalforsamlingen, og i 2005 kastede han regeringen ud. * Etter folkelige masseprotester gav kong Gyanendra makten fra sig i april 2006. * Et halvt år senere blev en fredsavtale undertegnet, og maoistene gik ind i regeringen i april 2007. De trak sig ud igen i september, og gik ind igen i januar i år, efter at den midlertidige nasjonalforsamling i desember vedtog at afskaffe monarkiet. Vedtagelsen om republikk skal bekræftes af den nyvalgte grundslovsgivende forsamlingn. NKP(m) har oprettet og leder en række masseorganisationer *ANTUF(R) - Faglig landsorganisation * - *ANWA(R) - Kvindeforbundet* - *ANNISU(R) - Studenter- og Elevforbundet * - *ANTO - Lærerforbundet * - *ANPA(R)- Bondeforbundet * - *All Nepal Nationalities Association - forbund for de nationale minoriteter * *Nepal National Intellectuals Organisation - forbund for intellektuelle * - *ANPCA - Kulturforbund * -

Monarkiet i Nepal afskaffes

23 december 2007 - 20:13

Nepals regering og maoistpartiet blev søndag enige om at afskaffe monarket og indføre republik.

Men beslutet vil ikke træde i kraft før efter valget næste år.Nepal havnede i en politisk krise for tre måneder siden da maoisterne trak sig ud af regeringen efter att deres krav om direkte indførsel af republik var blevet afvist.Nepals konge er af tradition blevet betragtet som inkarnationen af den hinduistiske gud Vishnu.Den nuværende konge gjorde imidlertid meget upopulær da han tog magten i 2005.

ORIGINALtelegram

28 december 2007 - 14:27 * Nepal avskaffar monarkin * Parlamentet i Nepal godkendte i dag en overenskomst mellem regeringen og maoistbevægelsen om at afskaffe monarkiet ogh gøre Nepal til en republik.Forslaget blev vedtaget med 270 stemmer af ialt 329. Det indebærer at Nepal bliver en “føderal demokratisk republikansk stat” næste år.Beslutningen skal godkennas av en speciell forsamling som skal vælges i april måned 2008. Først derefter kan Nepal blive republik. Kong Gyanendra vil dog have ret til stadig at bo i sit palads til des - men uden magt.